Textile Technology (तन्तुकार्यम्)

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Most historians of pre-British India are agreed that India of that time was not only an agricultural, but also an industrial society. And a survey of Indian technologies cannot be complete without some discussion of textiles, the great industrial enterprise of pre-British India. Up to 1800 India was the world’s leading producer and exporter of textiles. This production was almost entirely based on techniques that could be operated at the level of the individual or the family. Spinning of yarn was an activity in which perhaps whole of India participated. According to an observer from Manchester, Amo Pearse, who in 1930 visited India to study its cotton industry, there were probably 5 crore spinning wheels (charkhas) intermittently at work even then. And this simple small wheel was so efficient that till the early decades of the nineteenth century a widowed mother could still maintain a whole family in reasonable manner by spinning on the charkha for a few hours a day. Weaving was a relatively more specialised activity. However, the number of those belonging to the weaver castes was smaller in comparison only to those from the cultivating castes. Early nineteenth century data for certain districts of South India indicate that each district had around 20,000 looms. Arrno Pearse in 1930 estimated the number of handlooms operating in India to be in the vicinity of 20 lakhs.

There were vast regions of India which specialised in specific types of fabrics. Each of these areas developed techniques of weaving, bleaching, dyeing and painting etc., which were indigenous to the region, and also had its own characteristic designs, motifs and symbols. For example, in Western India alone, Sironj in Rajasthan and Burhanpur in Khandesh were major centres of cotton painting; cheap printed cottons came from Ahmedabad; woollens including the extra-ordinary Cashmere Shawls were produced in Kashmir; true silks were worked as patolas at Patan in Gajarat and so on.

These dispersed and diverse techniques were so optimised that textile produced in Britain through the technologies of industrial revolution could hardly match the Indian textiles in quality or price. Till the early nineteenth century, mill produced fabric had to be protected from Indian competition by the imposition of duties of 70 to 80 percent on the cottons and silks imported from India, or by positive prohibition. The historian H. H. Wilson noted that without such prohibitory duties and decrees, ‘the mills of Paisley and Manchester would have been stopped in their outset and could scarcely, have been again set in motion even by the power of steam’.

Introduction and Methodology

In the absence of substantial material remains of Indian textile technology(1) in the pre-Islamic period we have depended more on the vibrancy of craft tradition both in terms of techniques, processes, tools and implements as well as that of hereditary skills transmitted across generations. The task of identifying the constituents of a tradition which existed at a remote period of time in India, is, therefore facilitated by the existence of a wide data base of ethnological evidence which lends itself to selective usage. The criteria for selection can be rationally explained as material artifacts and a living craft tradition are both subject to an inner logic which shapes the nature of innovation accepted and the norms which guide selectivity in obsolescence. This topic will not be taken up here as it involves aspects of a wide ranging methodological enquiry beyond the scope of the present exercise. For the purposes of this article, development in the area of textile technology will be broken down into its components of fibre, natural dye and loom structure.

(1) The term textile is derived from Latin, texere, to weave. It refers to woven (i.e. interlaced warp-weft) fabrics. The term, fabric, is a generic term for all fibrous constructions Emery, "The Primary Structures of Fabrics", 1980p.XVL) For definition of cloth see Emery, pp.86, 208-210.

Fibre

Fibres used in India can be accommodated within the categories of bast, wool, silk and cotton. Animal skin and bark cloth(2) are, therefore, being excluded. Felt, namda(3) being non woven, may be classified as a fabric rather than a textile, and has been eliminated from the purview of this survey.

(2) Usage of animal skin by ascetics is mentioned in the Rgveda. This text is dated by Kane between B.C.4000-1000. Vedic texts refer to animal skins as ajina Macdonell, and Keith, p.14, ajina, q.v. The bark cloth tradition which is so rich in Africa and the Pacific Islands, is relatively weak in India. Valkala, a bark cloth worn by ascetics, is mentioned in the Yajnavalkya-smrti and the Mahabharata {Monier Williams, p.928 Valkala q.w; Sardesai and Padhya, p.61). The Yajnavalkyasmrti and Mahabharata have been dated respectively between A.D. 100-300 {Kane,} and between B.C. 4th century to A.D. 4th century (Winternitz, p.465, Krishnamoorthy, p.272). Both these texts refer to a bark cloth, potti in usage in the districts of Ganjam in Orissa and Vishakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh. It is not clear if this has been confused with the woven bast fibre, pata which, according to Professor R.S. Singh (formerly of the Department of Rasa Shastra, Institute Medical Sciences, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi), is derived from a plant of the Malvaceae family, the fabric being called Patu (see below patta n.1O).

At a much later date, the Garo tribe of Northeast India receive notice for Phakram, Grewia (Leea) liliaefolia; Thewek, like Phakram, a leguminous tree; Phrap, a Ficus, and Chram, an Artocarpus jackfruit. See Walker, pp.l5- 16. Mittre on p.46 notes that in South India bark of Antiaris toxicara is soaked and beaten into cloth.

(3) Namda, felt, is made from sheep wool in Kutch Gujarat, Tank, Rajasthan and in Kashmir. The wool fibre is spread on some material which serves as a mat. The wool is moistened, rolled and pounded until the fibres adhere to each other and mesh into a fabric. Irene Emery ascribes its origins to the nomadic peoples of Central Asia. (Emery 1980, p.22). Wufflp.222) identifies a date as early as B. C. 2300 to felt in Chinese sources). On the basis of the documentation of felt making described by Louis D. Levine (pp.203-21 1) at the Kurdish village, Seh Gobi, and equivalent field data available in India, it is clear that the same techniques are followed at Indian centres. Emery (1980) distinguishes between felt and felting as a finishing process in woven cloth. In the latter, woven woollen cloth in subjected to the same process as for felt, and the resulting fabric may present a similar surface appearance. Such a process should, however, be called fulling (Emery 1980, p. 23). India also has a tradition of felting. According to Sri Gangalal Weaver, Chitkul Village, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, after completion of weaving of local woollen material it is soaked in a large container. It is then foot pounded for one day in the same water filled container. After drying it is ready for use. Kharcha cloth woven in narrow width from inferior quality shawl goat underfur is fulled in the same way. Kharcha has a multiplicity of uses and is reputed to be waterproof.

Bast Fibres

The term bast fibre covers the category of strong ligneous fibres of which the most important are flax, hemp, jute and ramie, separated by the process of retting from certain parts of plant tissue. For the proper utilisation of such fibres the precise point at which further decomposition has to be arrested has to be accurately guaged. Fibres may be either woven into clothing or be diverted to the manufacture of cordage and meeting.

Linen, referred to as Ksauma in early texts, is obtained from the plant Linum usimtissirnum. The plant is called Uma in the Charaka Samhita while Panini uses the term Kshuma and atasi. Uma and Kshuma had the connotation of linen while atasi had that of linseed oil (Singh, M.N. pp.11-12). Linum usitatissimum was not indigenous to India and in antiquity it was cultivated in Egypt, Europe and Northern India. The attempt to popularise that plant for its flax fibre failed in this country, but as a source of linseed oil it was extensively cultivated (Singh, M.N. p.1) (4).

(4) It is possible that Linum usitatissimum was introduced from Ferghana into China. However, in China as in India, It was only grown for oil, (Laufer, pp.293-294).

Flax fibres are long, lustrous, strong, and can stand up to high tension. They are smooth, hard faced, inelastic and resistant to abrasion. They are good heat conductors and readily absorb water.

On the loom, warp ends can be set closely together as they are marginally affected by rubbing of adjacent warps when there is a change in shed. Individual fibres of good quality flax can be so delicate as to be close to being invisible, and very fine gossamer thin fabrics can be woven from such fibre. When flax is grown for fibre the seeds are sewn close together so that the stems grow straight and there are a minimum number of branches (Baines, p.3; Carrol, p. 15).

The earliest references to Kshauma in the sense of linen garments occur in the Maitrayani samhita (3.6.7), and the Taittiriya samhita (6.1. 1-3) (5).

(5) Sandesara and Mehta p.27. The Maitrayani Samhita and Taittiriya Samhita are dated respectively to circa B.C.4000 (Kane), and B.C. 1600. (Satya Prakash, and Skarma, p.5).

Domestic production could not have been sufficient at all times to meet the demand and supplies must have been drawn from other sectors. Circa B.C. 600, the Phoenicians were distributing Egyptian linen in the Mediterranean region (Broudy, p.47). Since there is indication of the Phoenician network penetrating into Babylonia it would not unreasonable to surmise that Egyptian linen was vended in India through a distribution system linking Western India to Babylonia through the Persian seaways. When the Roman market impinged on the Erythraean Sea, Egyptian linen was exported to India through intermediaries in Roman trade in payment for spices (Frank, p. 282) (6).

(6) Mesopotamia had developed its expertise in wool, Egypt had traditionally been the centre for linen weaving. The decline of flax as an agricultural crop in Egypt is traced to the 12th century, A.D. Syria, 1935 Wiet, p. 279; Forbes, p. 160; Frantz-Murphy, pp.245, 297.

The predominant demand appears to have been for fine quality linen and in the Amarakosha, Kshauma is regarded as synonymous with dukula. In course of time, it was identified with the silk and between the 12th and 16th centuries A.D. its original meaning began to be forgotten (Sandesara and Mehta, p.28; Sarkar, p.60; Ray, p.l95).

Hemp receives mention in the Shatapatha Brahmana (Ray, p.l97) (7).

(7) The Shatapatha Brahmana. dated to between B.C. 4000-1000 (Kane, V), mentions hemp as shana.

The fibre, which is inelastic and crushes easily, is derived for purposes of weaving from the bark of Cannabis sativa, Crotalaria juncea and Hibiscus cannabinus. The oldest hempen fragment from Cannabis sativa, dated to circa B.C. 800, has been found at Gordion in Asia Minor (Geijer, p.8). In India, however, Cannabis sativa, characterised as true hemp, has been cultivated predominantly for the narcotic extract obtained from its leaves and flowers. Known as bhanga, vijaya in Sanskrit, ganja in Hindi, Bengali and Persian, it is indigenous to all parts of India. As a source of fibre, it has been utilised only in Nepal (Roxburgh, pp. 545, 718). The most popular source for hemp in India has been the bark of Crotalaria juncea, Sanskrit shana. Bengali son,. It is an annual plant cultivated in all parts of South Asia. The fibre in Bengal is whiter than that of Maharashtra because of the more rigorous processes of cleaning adopted. The history of shana pre-dates that of jute in India. The term gunny, carrying the connotation of jute in modern times, was derived from the term goni, a coarse cloth originally made from shana (Roxburgh, p. 545; Watt, II, p.545).

In the case of Hibiscus cannaibinus, mesta pat in Bengal, ambaree or ambadi in Maharashtra Palungoo in Madras, the bark has been utilised for its fibre, while the leaves have served as a comestible. An alternative term adopted in Bombay for ambaree was Deccani hemp to distinguish it from Crotalaria juncea, or Konkani hemp. In the hilly areas of the region known earlier as the Circars in present day Andhra Pradesh, this plant was called Hibiscus collinus, the vernacular term being kanda gang (Roxburgh, p.528; Royle, pp.253-55, 261) (8).

(8) It is of interest that in Bengal and Orissa, there is living memory of a cheaper variant of the silken ritual garment, called patta vastra. These are said to have been woven of a mixture of silk and hemp, or of hemp alone. In Maharashtra a similar garment exists, referred to as mugata. In present times, with the help of modern technology, rayon patta vastra are being fashioned.

It is called Hibiscus eriocarpus in present times. In central India, Verrier Elwin records that the Bondas, Gadabas and Parengas spin fibre from the bark of Calotropis gigantea. This is arka in Sanskrit, ak in Hindi and akado in Gujarati. This is mixed with cotton and woven on simple looms. Both fibres can be dyed. This cloth is called Keranga cloth (Elwin, pp.27, 33,35) (9) (Figs. 1 & 2a-2d).

(9) The Bonds and the Gadaba are associated with the Korapat District and the Dudma Falls respectively in Orissa. Samples of Keranga cloth are displayed in the Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Bhubaneshwar. The loom is a simple frame loom.

Jute fibre is obtained from Corchorus olitorius and Corchorus capsularis. The plants are native to various parts of India and have been exploited in the pre-industrial period. Corchorus is galled putta in Sanskrit and Pat in Bengali (Roxburgh, pp. 428-29) (10).

(10) A degree of confusion has emerged resulting from a common terminology, pat/patta/puttafor silk as well as jute, Singh, B.N., has demonstrated that patta can be taken as a reference to a cloth woven from a variety of bast fibres. Initially it was derived from plants of the Malvaceae, shifting later to the Hibiscus cannibinus grouping. However, after the 4th century A. D. the term patta was also imbued with the connotation of silk (Gulati p.3). It is possible that the Bengali term pat for Jute was coined because of the glossy appearance of the fibre.

The reddish variety was called bun (wild) pat in Bengal. Woven material was called tat. The term for coarser cloths used for making bags was choti while saris were referred to as megila (Roxburgh, p.429; Watt,II,p.545; Royle, pp. 241-42) (11).

(11) Royle notes that in Bengal Hindus were engaged in the manufacture of jute while Muslims turned to cotton, pp.248-249.

The fibre from the bark of Corchorus capsularis, called ghi-nalita pat in Bengal, was diverted to the manufacture of gunny bags and cordage (Royle, p.242; Watt, II, p. 545; Roxburgh,p.429) (12).

(12) The manufacture of rope from coir was restricted in earlier times to Kerala and the Lakshadweep Islands. Bast fibres served the same purpose elsewhere. However, hast fibre cordage could not substitute for coir when it come to the equipment of ships tackle in earlier times.

Other terms that are used for this fibre include narcha and nalita. Thomas Wardle makes a reference which may have a bearing on earlier usages. Bark of the twigs of a small bush widespread both in its cultivated and wild form in the hotter areas of India, called Ulatkambal in Bengali, Abroma augusta, Linn. Sterculiaceae, yielded a lustrous, and soft fibre, akin to hemp and jute but distinct from both. It was much valued as it could be used as a substitute for silk (Wardle,p. 1 1 9; Watt, Ip.S, Abroma augusta Linn q.v).

The technology for the separation of jute fibre was simple. When the crop was ripe. It was cut down close to the roots. Separate bundles of the stems were made and these were left to steep in the water of some adjoining ditch. The bundles were weighted down with mud. The process of decomposition was carefully watched, the bark being tested from time to time by scratching the surface with the fingernail. At the next stage the separated fibres would be vigorously beaten for cleaning (Royle, pp. 242, 248-49).

The last major group among bast fibres has been associated with the plant Boehmeria nivea, commonly referred to as ramie or China grass. Regional variations in nomenclature were schou-ma in Chinese Pooh in Nepal, rhea in Assamese (Balfour, II, p.403; vn, p.403) (13), kankhura in Bengali and ramie in Malay. Forbes Royle notes that circa, 1855 rhea was not a commercial crop in Assam. It was grown around their homes by Dooms, members of the fisherman caste, and used by them for their needs (Royle, p.345). The preparation of fibre was a tedious process. Despite the silkiness of individual filaments, the inherent stiffness of the fibre made it difficult to twist, making its spinning an arduous process (Watt, I.p. 474).

(13) Schou-me is equated with China grass. Royle describes this as Urtica nivea. Hamilton and Robinson concur with Royle and define its usage as exclusive to that of rope making. According to W. Robinson, it was another species of Urtica called ban khua in local parlance, which was used in weaving, Royle, p241: Robinson, p.67; Hamilton, p.59.

In Darjeeling, Dehra Dun and other places in Ntrfi India, a related plant, Boehmeria puya Royle, was grown, puya fabric being woven from this fibre. The fibres derived from Boehmeria salicifolia and' Boehmeria utilis were used for making rope (Balfour, n,p.403). These references to ramie as identified above, make it clear that the woven material could not have been of very high quality.

However, in the Ramayana, ramie or nettle cloth receives high praise for its fineness and beauty. Samples of ramie in Japanese collections are also of a high quality. The above reference may be taken to imply Urtica heterophylla, the Horoo surat of Assam, the Nilgiri nettle of South India and herpah of Bhutan. This plant, the bark of which yields an abundance of fine, white glossy silk-like fibres, grows in Burma, Assam, the Himalayan foothills up to Dehra Dun, Southern Konkan, Karnataka and coastal Kerala. The nettle cloth mentioned in the Ramayana may have been derived from the fibre of this plant (Watt. I, p. 472; Royle, pp.366-367). Varrier Elwin noted that among the tribal groups of the North-East, the Monpas, Sherdukpens and Idu Mishmi wove fibres derived from Boehmeria nivea and other of nettle origin into a cloth which was made into jackets. These were so strong and stiff that they could serve as a kind of armour (Elwin, pp. 68-69, 131).

In his seventeenth century diary, Streynsham Master refers to a textile called herba, while an eighteenth century French commercial dictionary mentions a bast fibre called simply ecorce d'arbre (bark of tree), said to stand midway between silk and hemp in its attributes. It was mixed with silk to weave the cloth variety called gingham. In view of the affinity between Rhea and fibres such as wool and silk pointed out by G.Watt, this fibre noted by the Europeans may be taken as a variant of Boehmeria nivea (14). It could equally well be associated with Ulatkambal, mentioned by Thomas Wardle.

(14) Master. Streynsham (p. 136. Temple p.339) equates herba/erba with tasar, a wild silk For ecorce d'arbre see Savary II, p.239, ecorce d'arbre, q.v.