Difference between revisions of "Textile Technology (तन्तुकार्यम्)"

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On the loom, warp ends can be set closely together as they are marginally affected by rubbing of adjacent warps when there is a change in shed. Individual fibres of good quality flax can be so delicate as to be close to being invisible, and very fine gossamer thin fabrics can be woven from such fibre. When flax is grown for fibre the seeds are sewn close together so that the stems grow straight and there are a minimum number of branches (Baines, p.3; Carrol, p. 15).
 
On the loom, warp ends can be set closely together as they are marginally affected by rubbing of adjacent warps when there is a change in shed. Individual fibres of good quality flax can be so delicate as to be close to being invisible, and very fine gossamer thin fabrics can be woven from such fibre. When flax is grown for fibre the seeds are sewn close together so that the stems grow straight and there are a minimum number of branches (Baines, p.3; Carrol, p. 15).
 +
 +
The earliest references to Kshauma in the sense of linen garments occur in the Maitrayani samhita (3.6.7), and the Taittiriya samhita (6.1. 1-3) (5). Domestic production could not have been sufficient at all times to meet the demand and supplies must have been drawn from other sectors. Circa B.C. 600, the Phoenicians were distributing Egyptian linen in the Mediterranean region (Broudy, p.47). Since there is indication of the Phoenician network penetrating into Babylonia it would not unreasonable to surmise that Egyptian linen was vended in India through a distribution system linking Western India to Babylonia through the Persian seaways. When the Roman market impinged on the Erythraean Sea, Egyptian linen was exported to India through intermediaries in Roman trade in payment for spices (Frank, p. 282) (6). The predominant demand appears to have been for fine quality linen and in the Amarakosha, Kshauma is regarded as synonymous with dukula. In course of time, it was identified with the silk and between the 12th and 16th centuries A.D. its original meaning began to be forgotten (Sandesara and Mehta, p.28; Sarkar, p.60; Ray, p.l95).
 +
 +
Hemp receives mention in the Shatapatha Brahmana (Ray, p.l97) (7). The fibre, which is inelastic and crushes easily, is derived for purposes of weaving from the bark of Cannabis sativa, Crotalaria juncea and Hibiscus cannabinus. The oldest hempen fragment from Cannabis sativa, dated to circa B.C. 800, has been found at Gordion in Asia Minor (Geijer, p.8). In India, however, Cannabis sativa, characterised as true hemp, has been cultivated predominantly for the narcotic extract obtained from its leaves and flowers. Known as bhanga, vijaya in Sanskrit, ganja in Hindi, Bengali and Persian, it is indigenous to all parts of India. As a source of fibre, it has been utilised only in Nepal (Roxburgh, pp. 545, 718). The most popular source for hemp in India has been the bark of Crotalaria juncea, Sanskrit shana. Bengali son,. It is an annual plant cultivated in all parts of South Asia. The fibre in Bengal is whiter than that of Maharashtra because of the more rigorous processes of cleaning adopted. The history of shana pre-dates that of jute in India. The term gunny, carrying the connotation of jute in modern times, was derived from the term goni, a coarse cloth originally made from shana (Roxburgh, p. 545; Watt, II, p.545).
 +
 +
In the case of Hibiscus cannaibinus, mesta pat in Bengal, ambaree or ambadi in Maharashtra Palungoo in Madras, the bark has been utilised for its fibre, while the leaves have served as a comestible. An alternative term adopted in Bombay for ambaree was Deccani hemp to distinguish it from Crotalaria juncea, or Konkani hemp. In the hilly areas of the region known earlier as the Circars in present day Andhra Pradesh, this plant was called Hibiscus collinus, the vernacular term being kanda gang (Roxburgh, p.528; Royle, pp.253-55, 261) (8). It is called Hibiscus eriocarpus in present times. In central India, Verrier Elwin records that the Bondas, Gadabas and Parengas spin fibre from the bark of Calotropis gigantea. This is arka in Sanskrit, ak in Hindi and akado in Gujarati. This is mixed with cotton and woven on simple looms. Both fibres can be dyed. This cloth is called Keranga cloth (Elwin, pp.27, 33,35) (9) (Figs. 1 & 2a-2d).
 +
 +
Jute fibre is obtained from Corchorus olitorius and Corchorus capsularis. The plants are native to various parts of India and have been exploited in the pre-industrial period. Corchorus is galled putta in Sanskrit and Pat in
 +
 +
Bengali (Roxburgh, pp. 428-29) (10). The reddish variety was called bun (wild) pat in Bengal. Woven material was called tat. The term for coarser cloths used for making bags was choti while saris were referred to as megila (Roxburgh, p.429; Watt,II,p.545; Royle, pp. 241-42) (11). The fibre from the bark of Corchorus capsularis, called ghi-nalita pat in Bengal, was diverted to the manufacture of gunny bags and cordage (Royle, p.242; Watt, II, p. 545; Roxburgh,p.429) (12). Other terms that are used for this fibre include narcha and nalita. Thomas Wardle makes a reference which may have a bearing on earlier usages. Bark of the twigs of a small bush widespread both in its cultivated and wild form in the hotter areas of India, called Ulatkambal in Bengali, Abroma augusta, Linn. Sterculiaceae, yielded a lustrous, and soft fibre, akin to hemp and jute but distinct from both. It was much valued as it could be used as a substitute for silk (Wardle,p. 1 1 9; Watt, Ip.S, Abroma augusta Linn q.v).
  
 
== References ==
 
== References ==
 
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Revision as of 14:36, 21 April 2020

Most historians of pre-British India are agreed that India of that time was not only an agricultural, but also an industrial society. And a survey of Indian technologies cannot be complete without some discussion of textiles, the great industrial enterprise of pre-British India. Up to 1800 India was the world’s leading producer and exporter of textiles. This production was almost entirely based on techniques that could be operated at the level of the individual or the family. Spinning of yarn was an activity in which perhaps whole of India participated. According to an observer from Manchester, Amo Pearse, who in 1930 visited India to study its cotton industry, there were probably 5 crore spinning wheels (charkhas) intermittently at work even then. And this simple small wheel was so efficient that till the early decades of the nineteenth century a widowed mother could still maintain a whole family in reasonable manner by spinning on the charkha for a few hours a day. Weaving was a relatively more specialised activity. However, the number of those belonging to the weaver castes was smaller in comparison only to those from the cultivating castes. Early nineteenth century data for certain districts of South India indicate that each district had around 20,000 looms. Arrno Pearse in 1930 estimated the number of handlooms operating in India to be in the vicinity of 20 lakhs.

There were vast regions of India which specialised in specific types of fabrics. Each of these areas developed techniques of weaving, bleaching, dyeing and painting etc., which were indigenous to the region, and also had its own characteristic designs, motifs and symbols. For example, in Western India alone, Sironj in Rajasthan and Burhanpur in Khandesh were major centres of cotton painting; cheap printed cottons came from Ahmedabad; woollens including the extra-ordinary Cashmere Shawls were produced in Kashmir; true silks were worked as patolas at Patan in Gajarat and so on.

These dispersed and diverse techniques were so optimised that textile produced in Britain through the technologies of industrial revolution could hardly match the Indian textiles in quality or price. Till the early nineteenth century, mill produced fabric had to be protected from Indian competition by the imposition of duties of 70 to 80 percent on the cottons and silks imported from India, or by positive prohibition. The historian H. H. Wilson noted that without such prohibitory duties and decrees, ‘the mills of Paisley and Manchester would have been stopped in their outset and could scarcely, have been again set in motion even by the power of steam’.[1]

Introduction and Methodology

In the absence of substantial material remains of Indian textile technology(1) in the pre-Islamic period we have depended more on the vibrancy of craft tradition both in terms of techniques, processes, tools and implements as well as that of hereditary skills transmitted across generations. The task of identifying the constituents of a tradition which existed at a remote period of time in India, is, therefore facilitated by the existence of a wide data base of ethnological evidence which lends itself to selective usage. The criteria for selection can be rationally explained as material artifacts and a living craft tradition are both subject to an inner logic which shapes the nature of innovation accepted and the norms which guide selectivity in obsolescence. This topic will not be taken up here as it involves aspects of a wide ranging methodological enquiry beyond the scope of the present exercise. For the purposes of this article, development in the area of textile technology will be broken down into its components of fibre, natural dye and loom structure.

Fibre

Fibres used in India can be accommodated within the categories of bast, wool, silk and cotton. Animal skin and bark cloth(2) are, therefore, being excluded. Felt, namda(3) being non woven, may be classified as a fabric rather than a textile, and has been eliminated from the purview of this survey.

Bast Fibres

The term bast fibre covers the category of strong ligneous fibres of which the most important are flax, hemp, jute and ramie, separated by the process of retting from certain parts of plant tissue. For the proper utilisation of such fibres the precise point at which further decomposition has to be arrested has to be accurately guaged. Fibres may be either woven into clothing or be diverted to the manufacture of cordage and meeting.

Linen, referred to as Ksauma in early texts, is obtained from the plant Linum usimtissirnum. The plant is called Uma in the Charaka Samhita while Panini uses the term Kshuma and atasi. Uma and Kshuma had the connotation of linen while atasi had that of linseed oil (Singh, M.N. pp.11-12). Linum usitatissimum was not indigenous to India and in antiquity it was cultivated in Egypt, Europe and Northern India. The attempt to popularise that plant for its flax fibre failed in this country, but as a source of linseed oil it was extensively cultivated (Singh, M.N. p.1) (4). Flax

fibres are long, lustrous, strong, and can stand up to high tension. They are smooth, hard faced, inelastic and resistant to abrasion. They are good heat conductors and readily absorb water.

On the loom, warp ends can be set closely together as they are marginally affected by rubbing of adjacent warps when there is a change in shed. Individual fibres of good quality flax can be so delicate as to be close to being invisible, and very fine gossamer thin fabrics can be woven from such fibre. When flax is grown for fibre the seeds are sewn close together so that the stems grow straight and there are a minimum number of branches (Baines, p.3; Carrol, p. 15).

The earliest references to Kshauma in the sense of linen garments occur in the Maitrayani samhita (3.6.7), and the Taittiriya samhita (6.1. 1-3) (5). Domestic production could not have been sufficient at all times to meet the demand and supplies must have been drawn from other sectors. Circa B.C. 600, the Phoenicians were distributing Egyptian linen in the Mediterranean region (Broudy, p.47). Since there is indication of the Phoenician network penetrating into Babylonia it would not unreasonable to surmise that Egyptian linen was vended in India through a distribution system linking Western India to Babylonia through the Persian seaways. When the Roman market impinged on the Erythraean Sea, Egyptian linen was exported to India through intermediaries in Roman trade in payment for spices (Frank, p. 282) (6). The predominant demand appears to have been for fine quality linen and in the Amarakosha, Kshauma is regarded as synonymous with dukula. In course of time, it was identified with the silk and between the 12th and 16th centuries A.D. its original meaning began to be forgotten (Sandesara and Mehta, p.28; Sarkar, p.60; Ray, p.l95).

Hemp receives mention in the Shatapatha Brahmana (Ray, p.l97) (7). The fibre, which is inelastic and crushes easily, is derived for purposes of weaving from the bark of Cannabis sativa, Crotalaria juncea and Hibiscus cannabinus. The oldest hempen fragment from Cannabis sativa, dated to circa B.C. 800, has been found at Gordion in Asia Minor (Geijer, p.8). In India, however, Cannabis sativa, characterised as true hemp, has been cultivated predominantly for the narcotic extract obtained from its leaves and flowers. Known as bhanga, vijaya in Sanskrit, ganja in Hindi, Bengali and Persian, it is indigenous to all parts of India. As a source of fibre, it has been utilised only in Nepal (Roxburgh, pp. 545, 718). The most popular source for hemp in India has been the bark of Crotalaria juncea, Sanskrit shana. Bengali son,. It is an annual plant cultivated in all parts of South Asia. The fibre in Bengal is whiter than that of Maharashtra because of the more rigorous processes of cleaning adopted. The history of shana pre-dates that of jute in India. The term gunny, carrying the connotation of jute in modern times, was derived from the term goni, a coarse cloth originally made from shana (Roxburgh, p. 545; Watt, II, p.545).

In the case of Hibiscus cannaibinus, mesta pat in Bengal, ambaree or ambadi in Maharashtra Palungoo in Madras, the bark has been utilised for its fibre, while the leaves have served as a comestible. An alternative term adopted in Bombay for ambaree was Deccani hemp to distinguish it from Crotalaria juncea, or Konkani hemp. In the hilly areas of the region known earlier as the Circars in present day Andhra Pradesh, this plant was called Hibiscus collinus, the vernacular term being kanda gang (Roxburgh, p.528; Royle, pp.253-55, 261) (8). It is called Hibiscus eriocarpus in present times. In central India, Verrier Elwin records that the Bondas, Gadabas and Parengas spin fibre from the bark of Calotropis gigantea. This is arka in Sanskrit, ak in Hindi and akado in Gujarati. This is mixed with cotton and woven on simple looms. Both fibres can be dyed. This cloth is called Keranga cloth (Elwin, pp.27, 33,35) (9) (Figs. 1 & 2a-2d).

Jute fibre is obtained from Corchorus olitorius and Corchorus capsularis. The plants are native to various parts of India and have been exploited in the pre-industrial period. Corchorus is galled putta in Sanskrit and Pat in

Bengali (Roxburgh, pp. 428-29) (10). The reddish variety was called bun (wild) pat in Bengal. Woven material was called tat. The term for coarser cloths used for making bags was choti while saris were referred to as megila (Roxburgh, p.429; Watt,II,p.545; Royle, pp. 241-42) (11). The fibre from the bark of Corchorus capsularis, called ghi-nalita pat in Bengal, was diverted to the manufacture of gunny bags and cordage (Royle, p.242; Watt, II, p. 545; Roxburgh,p.429) (12). Other terms that are used for this fibre include narcha and nalita. Thomas Wardle makes a reference which may have a bearing on earlier usages. Bark of the twigs of a small bush widespread both in its cultivated and wild form in the hotter areas of India, called Ulatkambal in Bengali, Abroma augusta, Linn. Sterculiaceae, yielded a lustrous, and soft fibre, akin to hemp and jute but distinct from both. It was much valued as it could be used as a substitute for silk (Wardle,p. 1 1 9; Watt, Ip.S, Abroma augusta Linn q.v).

References